Relationship Between Visibility and Invisibility

Relationship Between Visibility and Invisibility Seeing is believing, but sometimes the most real things in the world are the things we cant see. It is with these understated, wise words from the conductor in the recent childrens movie The Polar Express that this exploration into social exclusion begins. How is sight related to social exclusion? Quite simply, if a person, population or space is not or cannot be perceived it cannot be engaged with. In many instances it ceases to exist as part of functioning mainstream society, to stretch the sight metaphor, it disappears in societys blind spot. What causes the location of same in this blind spot of society is to be examined elsewhere, but as a process it certainly exists. This essay attempts to outline the relational nature of the societal seen and unseen through some specific ethnographies pertaining to social exclusion. To give a structural grounding, this essay examines firstly the nature of visibility and invisibility, both theoretically and in practice which allows this work to be contextualised. The notion of how this visibility or invisibility feeds into social exclusion is outlined and finally specific references to particular ethnographic texts are made, with secondary literature being called on where necessary. The core ethnographies are Bourgois (2002), In Search of Respect and two works of Saris (2002a, 2002b) on the Cherry Orchard community; State and Culture, and The meaning of art. Concrete examples will be drawn to make reference to both the visibility and invisibility of persons, populations, causal connections and social forces in no particular order. The interplay between same will be loosely traced throughout and is dealt with in depth before the closing remarks. The construction of the notion of visibility and invisibility is a ubiquitous yet largely un-theorised dimension of contemporary anthropology. Much like its sister subject or indeed even mother subject of social exclusion which is yet to be clearly defined in modern anthropology due to its fluid nature. For the sake of this essay I propose that social exclusion be understood as that process through which people or groups are prevented from participating. As to the relationship between social exclusion and visibility, if one is invisible either as an individual or group how is one to participate? So too if a social force is invisible it cannot be dealt with or controlled. This essay asks the question of how is visibility formed? What does it take to be constructed as a visible subject, citizen or consumer in societys eyes, the market or local and global power structures? Which persons, populations and groups are forced to lead invisible lives or to make their existences seen through d rastic behaviour and so-viewed misconduct? What illegal activities and lives are constructed and maintained in the shadow of public attention? The anthropological theoretical construct of visibility and invisibility, that is to say the manner in which anthropologists highlight the existence of these phenomena permeate numerous aspects of the discipline, society and culture. Numerous forms of visibility and invisibility can be constructed whether that is a rendering of human subjects, groups or events visible or invisible based on local moral, societal or hierarchical views. Take for example the employment of social norms and national law in addition to the varying forms of challenging these. Take the enforcement of tough laws of the Irish State against horse owners in Cherry Orchard, whereby the government constructed the view that horses in suburban communities, in this instance Cherry Orchard, were undesirable and had the Gardai (police) take possession of same (Saris: 2002b). Even the preparation, writing and presentation of ethnographies can be made invisible by the mainstream academic community, often due to the issues dealt with which some would rather remain neglected and silenced. Take for example the nature of how these ethnographies are received into modern anthropological thought. Bourgois (2002) has been criticised, just like many other ethnographers in the past, for their representation of a particular reality, for Bourgois life in El Barrio. Its rawness and uncensored violence challenge and disgust many that would prefer it remain hidden or rather invisible in academic writing and thought. Bourgois examines how the inner-city street culture developed in reaction to inequalities suffered by people when they interact with the mainstream society of New York. Bourgois proposes that street culture offers an alternative forum for autonomous personal dignity (2002: 8). Respect, he goes on to say, is integral to this subculture. The construction of this respect as a social manner of placing oneself in a hierarchy within the community of drug ridden El Barrio is important in terms of its making visible a social force, that of respect, and how that articulates itself in terms of actions within the community. Even within the community which is viewed as invisible the dynamics of visibility and invisibility exist. Although the street economy is based on the sale of crack cocaine, it is important to note that, substance abuse in the inner city is merely a symptom and a vivid symbol of deeper dynamics of social marginalization and alienation (Bourgois 2002: 2). Crack, then, is not an end in itself or the aim of the subculture, but rather a centre it operates around. As Bourgois observes, The crack economy, in fact, sprang from the search for respect; people needed an alternative to undesirable minimum-wage jobs, to fit with the street-defined dignity of refusing to work honestly for low wages (Bourgois 2002: 130). The residents of El Barrio could not earn respect or feel respected in the inferior positions they would be working in: Obedience to the norms of high-rise, office-corridor culture is in direct contradiction to street cultures definitions of personal dignity (Bourgois 2002: 115). Dealing crack provides a different visual representation for dignity and respect. Although the majority o f East Harlem residents are not involved with drugs in any way, the minority who are have managed to set the tone for public life (Bourgois 2002: 10). Hence, the crack economy, serves as an important structural force in the culture of East Harlem. The ways of earning respect in East Harlem inner-city street culture vary drastically, even defiantly, from those in mainstream American society. One method of achieving respect is through violence, whereby regular displays of outward violence are essential for protecting against rip-offs by colleagues, customers, and professional holdup artists. Bourgois explains that upward mobility in the underground economy of the street-dealing world requires a systematic and effective use of violence against ones colleagues, ones neighbours, and, to a certain extent, against oneself. Behaviour that appears irrationally violent, barbaric', and ultimately self-destructive to the outsider, can be reinterpreted according to the logic of the underground economy as judicious public relations and long-term investment in ones human capital development (2002: 24). Hence within the context of inner-city street culture violence is a part of the order of society and a legitimate way to earn respect, even t hough to an outsider violence may seem like a symptom of chaos. The highly visible nature of violence when expressed acts as a key point of socialisation in El Barrio. In El Barrio Bourgois highlights one aspect of the invisible becoming visible. Violence and violent activity among the invisible community of El Barrios drug underworld makes a very distinct, and ugly, presence felt when gang members quarrel. The public display of violence or fighting is visually noticed by the members of the visible community and is highly problematic. Deaths register on the polices radar and the media, which only manage to reinforce mainstreams societies need to repress or hide the region of El Barrio. Violent incidents, even when they do not physically threaten bystanders, are highly visible and traumatic. For example, during my first thirteen months of residence in El Barrio I witnessed a slew of violent incidents: .a deadly shotgun shooting a bombing and a machine-gunning. a shoot-out and a police car chase .fire-bombing of a heroin house.. a half-dozen screaming, clothes-ripping fights. (Bourgois: 2002: 34) Saris (2002b), brings an Irish context to this visibility/invisibility argument through his example of Cherry Orchard, Dublin 12. Described as an unfashionable Dublin suburb that most people in the capital have never been to (and that many people would never want to visit) (Saris: 2002b: 14). Saris goes on to say that Irish public policy towards poverty has been spatialised, looking to address the social exclusion of areas and populations in line with continental, especially French, models. (Saris: 2002b: 14) When Cherry Orchard intrudes on the Irish national consciousness at all, it is generally through the reporting of severe problems to be found therein. Perhaps the most spectacular demonstration of this tendency in recent years is the media coverage of the serious troubles in the area around Halloween 1995. At that time, the Gallanstown Housing Estate in Cherry Orchard erupted into a major civil disturbance which was described by the Gardaà ­ at the time as an organized riot. On Halloween night, several units of the Gardaà ­ were lured into the area in hot pursuit of joyriders in stolen cars. They were then surrounded and driven off the street by crowds bearing rocks and petrol bombs. The Gardai came back in force and were driven off the streets again. Over the course of several hours, tens of people were injured, two children very seriously, and dozens of arrests were made. Indeed, the Halloween Riots are still viewed by the authorities as one of the most disturbing incidents of public unrest in the Republic of Ireland within living memory (Saris: 2002b: 15). Interestingly the Cherry Orchard community, as a population, have expressed themselves through art, in specific wall murals. A number of local activist groups joined together and began to cast around for a way to put the riots behind them (Saris: 2002b: 15). It was eventually decided that, to symbolize the new birth of the area, the dreary walls in and around the housing estates of Cherry Orchard, which had hitherto been little more than convenient graffiti canvases, were to be repainted by the youth of the area. These walls allow a space for public expression of the community identity. They are also spaces of conflict in that they are used by rival gangs to pass messages, for example, let the games begin (Saris: 2002b: 14). This is a coded statement which visualises an otherwise unseen threatening reality. This lends another dimension of how groups of people, in this case gangs, make themselves visible. That is to say they articulate their warfare to the outside world, and indeed ma ke a statement within their own community. A specific gang is now visible in the community. The community can also now by identified by this gang. Hence a small group or gang can control external perception of the entire community as they have expressed themselves and choose to be visible. They have gone from being hidden and hiding behind the wall to making their presence felt by using the wall as a canvas. Interestingly in response to this invisible community making a visual stance the authorities, in this case Dublin Corporation, repaints the wall rendering these expressions invisible again. This particular example also begs the question as to who exactly controls what is and is not visible. On these same walls a statement Mark Hall was killed by the Gardai (Saris: 2002b: 16) was placed expressing a perception of a particular gang and using this to incite further violence. Marks mother defaced the wall herself removing the slogan saying that enough is simply enough. Individual ac tors in the society or community can have influence over their visibility or invisibility. All the poorer suburbs of the Dublin fringe, Fettercairn, North Clondalkin and Cherry Orchard, including high-rise urban areas like Ballymun, have recently completed, or are currently building Equestrian Centres, under the auspices of community development. (Saris: 2002: 171) These horse based projects are undertaken to aid those communities who are perceived as being socially excluded. It is through this representation of these neighbourhoods as visibly poor that they have gained such financial assistance for this project. The importance of horse ownership in these communities historically is quite significant in that they used horses for the transportation of goods, for general transport and for work. The tradition of maintain horses continued, unnoticed by most of the sprawling suburban Dublin. The fact of horse ownership in Dublin was invisible, and would have remained so had that invisible world overlapped with the mainstream visibility of middle class Dublin. Saris details an e vent whereby a number of horses strayed onto the M50, a busy motorway which is a ring road for Dublin. The issue of horse ownership in a city travelled from the invisible quarters to the visible and this transition was problematic for the society at large. The relationship between the visible and invisible is a tentative one. When the two overlap both become visible in their sharing. This forces the visible community to deal with the issues presented and for the most part his means returning the invisible to their invisibility. Legislative and police enforcement means were chosen by the middle classes to exercise this control and boxing back into community. These law focused deeds were socially exclusive means to deal with the problem whereby those in these poorer areas lacked the social credit to engage with such policies and drawing up of same. Hence the Dail passed legislation which made it all but impossible to have a horse in the city. Thus legislating horses from visible to in visibility. The final work which I wish to examine in terms of visibility is that of Lemanski Spaces of Exclusivity or Connection? Linkages between a Gated Community and its Poorer Neighbour in a Cape Town Master Plan Development. Even from this articles title the relational nature of the article is apparent. I propose that the gated community in question is constructed visibly whereas the poorer neighbours are constructed into invisibility. The article deals with an analysis of the relationships between residents of a gated community, Silvertree Estate, and their poorer neighbouring, non-gated, area called Westlake Village. The attitudes and perceptions that exist amongst residents of each both communities towards the other neighbourhood are addressed, as well as the nature of any direct contact between residents. The case study for this paper is located in a master plan private development, constructed in 1999 in the heart of Cape Towns wealthy (and predominantly White) southern suburbs. The d evelopment hosts two vastly different residential areas that despite spatial proximity are socially and functionally isolated. (Lemanski: 2006: 397) The development comprises two housing areas: Westlake village, a state-assisted low-income housing area providing home-ownership for Black African and Coloured community and also Silvertree Estate, a luxurious security Village with 24-hour surveillance. The development also includes non-residential land use with an exclusive private school (thus attracting high-income families to Silvertree), a business park, office park, retail centre and the US Consulate office. In terms of visibility of persons Westlake village is a prime example Westlake respondents were relatively easy to locate by walking the streets, knocking on doors and gaining referrals by befriending residents (Lemanski: 2002: 399). This again echoes the earlier examples of notions visibility depending on perspective. Whereas the Westlake village community is considered by those outside to be unworthy of recognition and hence written into invisibility, within the community itself individual actors are as real as the residents of Silvertree Estate. To refer back to the opening remarks of this essay the most real things in the world are the things we cant see. In contrast the residents of Silvertree are more were less willing to pass on their neighbours contact details and security measures ensured that all interviews required a pre-arranged (usually by telephone) appointment; thus it was harder to access Silvertree residents (Lemanski: 2002: 399). The residents of Silvertree are some what invisible to each other to within the highly visible community of Silvertree Estate, the walls within walls in which they live are an exterior expression of this interrelation-ally distant outlook. The nature of what brings about this difference is striking. Silvertree residents wish to remain independent, up in their ivory towers, and do not interact easily or frequently with their neighbours. The etiquette is one of polite distance, not wishing to pry on the other and a desire to maintain security as a priority. They choose to remain invisible. The notion of access is raised, in that Silvertree residents are difficult to access. This reflects the nature of invisibility itself, it is hard to access that which is hard to perceive. As to the enforced invisibility of the Westlake Village, the structural factor of planning has planned them into physical invisibility thanks to specifically designing the two communities in such a manner that the sight-line from Silvertree Estate does not intersect with any house of the invisible Westlake Village community. In the words of one Westlake resident due to the design of the compound the sight line of residents of Silvertree is such that they cannot directly see Westlake village. They build high walls like Jericho. They dont want to see us (E.T., 11 March 2004).(Lemanski: 2006: 408) To give an opposing perspective, that of a Silvertree Estate resident speaking about Westlake people As far as were concerned theyre not even there (A.K., 28 April 2004), (Lemanski: 2006: 409). The social factor of being undesirable, that is to say in this context poor and coloured, has resulted in their being built into invisibility. The relationship between visibility and invisibility is one which functions for the betterment of the visible community. A desire to repress or hide the other is satisfied by this process, its success is evident in the Westlake and Silvertree housing project. While Silvertree has become a sought-after address, with property values far exceeding original hopes, Westlake village has become the forgotten part of the development and is barely visible even from within the development, let alone from the surrounding roads and neighbourhoods. (Lemanski: 2006: 406) Lemanski even goes on to say that this invisibility was intended by the original master-plan design, hence hinting that such an apartheid-esque approach is still considered acceptable by both developers and the city town planners. Hence invisibility can be used as a tool to socially construct and control communities. Hence it is evident that finding the truth is a matter of representation, into visibility or invisibility. Social constructs are related by their ways of making visible, or their pointing out ways of obscuring, a fundamental reality, perhaps the defining quality, of our historical moment that of gross inequalities and their systematic reproduction. Whether that be the apartheid which still exists in South Africa through particular planning and the rewarding of same with success. That is when undesirables are written into invisibility in a particular estate and the whites can exist independently in their visible world they are rewarded by increased property prices. That violence in El Barrio is rewarded with respect. It can therefore be derived that the relationship between visibility and invisibility is complex and centred on power relationships. The nature that if a person, population or space is not or cannot be perceived it cannot be engaged with is key to the usefulness of invisibility for visible communities. So to the desire for invisible communities to stay invisible is demonstrated by Saris (2002) in Cherry Orchard where once their horses ventured into a visible sphere that which the community valued was challenged. The construction of the notion of visibility and invisibility and their relationship is an ever-present dimension in societal action, which feeds directly into or is part therein of social exclusion, in that the aid they process through which people or groups are prevented from participating.

On the Concept of National Community

The piece On the Concept of National Community by Cesar Adib Majul simply discusses about Dr. Jose Rizal’s analysis in his community during his time and his analysis about it too. The piece mainly discusses about the basic defects that can be observed, that is traceable to the Filipinos. First, the defects of their educational training at home and in the schools and second is the lack of the national sentiment. As you go further on the piece, you’ll find yourself discovering how Dr. Jose Rizal tried to make the Filipinos understand what â€Å"national sentiment† is and how its absence affects the society Filipinos are into.How he tries to develop it in each and every Filipino through his writings for he believed that its development might not only reduce indolence but might slowly inevitably do away with what was depressive and stifling in the colonial regime. The first one that was discussed was about the kind of educational system the Filipinos have during Span ish regime. The attempt at personal improvement beyond the formal curricular requirements was judged by the authorities as presumptuous. How the educational system stifled the development of every Filipino which would have become productive and progressive.The second that was discussed which covers almost entirely the whole piece was about the absence of national sentiment and how each works of Dr. Jose Rizal tries to put it in every reader. And this is the thing I want to focus on. Dr. Jose Rizal’s work are complex, it is difficult to discover a positive description of what he called national sentiment but he characterized situations that reflected its absence, and in at least one case, he pointed out an evil in the society that might be due to its absence. According to the piece, there are three negative characterizations which can be found in La Indolencia de los Filipinos.The first one was an absence of national sentiment that allowed the individual â€Å"to be guided by his fancy and his self-love. † Which was portrayed by the character named Dona Victorina in Noli Me Tangere due to her desire to imitate the mannerisms, the idiosyncrasies and everything associated with the Spaniards, she succeeded only in making herself ridiculous. It is still observed in these modern days. How other Filipinos are more interested of imitating the foreign countries’ products, their language, and even their lifestyles not only among rich people but also among the average ones.It is very heart breaking to see how others have forgotten or does not pay attention to the great things that their own country have. They even leave the country and choose to stay to another country in great belief that they have more chances to be progressive out there. They are so absorbed in the other countries culture leaving behind our own. Secondly, the lack of national sentiment brings another evil †¦ which is the absence of all opposition to measures prejudicial to th e people. Another character without national sentiment was Basilio in El Filibusterismo.In spite of reminders by Simoun regarding injustices visited upon his mother and his brother, Basilio was not willing to take any risk in defense of justice. He had attained some achievement in the academic world, and he was graduating as a physician in a few months. He deemed it important not to alienate the authorities for fear that all he had been working for would be scattered to the winds. Basilio maybe wanted to have revenge for his mother and brother but he chooses not to for fear of opposing the authorities and would bring harm to his future.The problem need not be one of revenge but one of preventing future injustices. Essentially, the problem is that of national sentiment because the issue raised is whether one should oppose the injustices occurring in the future, regardless of possible consequences to him who opposes. This too is still observed in our country. It can be observed from s mallest crime committed (someone being rob or abused in public but those who sees them does not try to get involved in fear of harming their own life) up to the largest one (a corruption that has been witnessed but choose to shut in silence in fear of losing his own position) .Injustice still lingers in our country and it seems that it does not stop. If only one could let himself involved and does not let himself outranked its personal interest and comfort to the social society it would have been a very different society, different story for all of us. Thirdly, the lack of national sentiment brought about â€Å"the absence of any initiative in whatever may redound to its good (the peoples)†. The character who vividly portrayed this was Senor Pasta in El Filibusterismo he was in position to do something for what could contribute; it was believed, to the ultimate betterment of Filipino society.But he considered the whole project as one involving personal risks and he was afraid of reprisals from vested interests. However, it is more important to note that Senor Pasta was a man who used to work for himself and who did not have the conception of other interests more general and socially more important than his own particular or personal ones. This is again observed until now. How each people ignore their chances to participate on something which could lead to social improvement. There are lots of things that the piece discussed but these are the things that caught my attention. Sad to say but the national sentiment Dr.Jose Rizal wants each Filipino to develop or to have hasn’t been absorbed yet. These dilemmas that he has seen and does not want to continue are still haunting our country. If Dr. Jose Rizal is still around and is planning to write a novel or essay to tell people and make them realize how important national sentiment and loyalty to country is, I would ask him to make me a part of it for I portray each of the three negative effect of abs ence of the national sentiment. The first one is the absence of national sentiment that allowed the individual â€Å"to be guided by his fancy and his self-love.† I disregard Filipino songs or movies because I find it cliched. And I even consider working in the other country and live there because I find it unprogressive here in our beloved country. And I am so much interested with the literature and kind of education system in other countries that if I ever have the chance to choose where to study I’d be more than willing to go there. These are the few things of the many I had which falls on the first of the three negative characterizations of absence of national sentiment. I strongly believe that I am not the only one who has this kind of thought.Instead of thinking what could be done to improve the problems that our country is facing some would prefer to think of their way out into it by leaving the country. Secondly, the lack of national sentiment brings another ev il †¦ which is the absence of all opposition to measures prejudicial to the people. Opposing the authorities is a very sensitive issue to face. Maybe people choose not to get involve for the fear of harming himself and his family. He maybe just wants to protect himself from the powerful hand of the authority not knowing that what he was doing is giving the injustice a chance to happen again.Like letting the â€Å"kotong cops† get your money just to let you pass in a traffic violation thinking that opposing them would just aggravate the situation so you just let them do what they want. It may sound stupid that people are letting this to happen instead of calling the authorities to stop these little corruption but if you are going to ask me and some people we would just let them get what they wanted because in my opinion the fear of the consequences if you oppose them. And how can you even report this to the authorities if the authorities themselves are the ones who are do ing the crime?Thirdly, the lack of national sentiment brought about â€Å"the absence of any initiative in whatever may redound to its good (the peoples)†. Some thinks that being involved or not won’t make any difference in some issues the country is facing which too bad I have thought of too. From the simplest signature campaign that was about an â€Å"anti† or â€Å"pro† ideas up to the invitation to join the movement for this or that. People are too busy with their own lives and pay little attention to what’s going on with their society or sometimes it’s just their indolence to participate into some movements about social improvements.Like for example is for the election of the president or voting time. Some people do not participate into it. Saying they are too busy or whether thy vote or not our country wouldn’t grow or improve. Or in a simpler situation and a situation I’ve been too, like protest groups are asking me to j oin in their movement to fight for education or human rights but I just shrugged my shoulders on the idea thinking it would cost me so much efforts and time even I in the other hand can also see what was wrong in the system and what they’re fighting for.After reading the piece it made me realize of how important national sentiment is and the things that would happen if only everyone would have it. I’ve realized that reading the history of the Philippines, singing the national anthem or saying â€Å"I’m proud of my country† does not make me patriotic instead a true patriotic Filipino have their national sentiment and let himself involve in things that could help his country improve or grow.

The Lost Puppy

The Great Impact of War Modern warfare has changed a great deal since we fought for our freedom from Great Britain in the late 18th century, and has possibly even changed more since World War 1. Countless Battles have been fought throughout our gracious history here in American, and many stories have been told from older to younger generations. This is where â€Å"Ogichidag†, meaning warrior, tells its story. Soldiers from notable wars throughout history have vivid and very detailed accounts of what they saw while they were at war.Many of these decorated warriors tell of their stories to younger generations, and in this case it is a family tradition for many of the men to join the armed forces. As they go off to war they must deal with the aftermath of all they accumulated while there, and find a way to deal with this bitterness. For many people listening to their elder’s stories, and hearing the many accolades they’ve accumulated is a great privilege. In â€Å" Ogichidag† this person hears stories all the way back to World War 1.He vividly listens as, â€Å" the old men told stories of getting gassed in the trenches, WW one† (Lines 2-3). As he listens to these stories of great harm he feels more intrigued with every word. He indulges in the thought of one day having the same stories to tell his son or daughter. He knows to well that going and serving his country is more than putting on a vest and running around in the desert. He thinks of it as an honorable accomplishment within himself.As it later goes on to describe his cousins as he, â€Å"felt the fear in their voices† (9) he knows his time to serve his beloved country is right around the corner. Entering most arguable the hardest branch in the military, the marines, is also another feat that will show just how mentally and physically ready he is. Joining the marines right before the Cuban Missile Crisis, he was at the most intense part of the Cold War. At the blink of an eye, America could be engaged in nuclear warfare.For those thirteen days soldiers were ready for anything, and while no shots were fired it helped him prepare for the only war American has ever lost. 58,148 people died in the war we know as Vietnam. Watching comrades die in front of one’s eyes played a major influence on how these veterans lived out the rest of their lives. As what seems to be a family tradition for this family to serve in the military, he knew from all the stories he had heard over the years that war was no easy task. For the lives he saw lost at war, telling these stories would be rather problematical.As â€Å"Ogichidag† describes each war since the early 1900’s, each warrior it portrays the hardships that come with war. Though speaking of such excruciating memories, they find it important to pass down stories so their family legacy never dies. With the ears of the prospering young ogichidag’s are filled, they have a sense of exc itement going to war. While their eager to serve this great nation they know in the back of their heads the aftermath of war is very powerful, and they must deal with this wretchedness.

On Rhetoric, or the Art of Eloquence, by Francis Bacon

Father of the scientific method and the first major English essayist, Francis Bacon published Of the Proficience and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human in 1605. This philosophical treatise, intended as an introduction to an encyclopedic study that was never completed, is divided into two parts: the first part broadly considers the excellency of learning and knowledge; the second focuses on the particular acts and works . . . which have been embraced and undertaken for the advancement of learning. Chapter 18 of the second part of The Advancement of Learning offers a defense of rhetoric, whose duty and office, he says, is to apply reason to imagination for the better moving of the will. According to Thomas H. Conley, Bacons notion of rhetoric seems novel, but what Bacon has to say about rhetoric . . . is not as novel as it has sometimes been represented, however interesting it might be otherwise (Rhetoric in the European Tradition, 1990). On Rhetoric, or the Art of Eloquence* from The Advancement of Learning by Francis Bacon 1 Now we descend to that part which concerneth the illustration of tradition, comprehended in that science which we call rhetoric, or art of eloquence; a science excellent, and excellently well laboured. For although in true value it is inferior to wisdom, as it is said by God to Moses, when he disabled himself for want of this faculty, Aaron shall be thy speaker, and thou shalt be to him as God; yet with people it is the more mighty: for so Salomon saith, Sapiens corde appellabitur prudens, sed dulcis eloquio major a reperiet1; signifying that profoundness of wisdom will help a man to a name or admiration, but that it is eloquence that prevaileth in an active life. And as to the labouring of it, the emulation of Aristotle with the rhetoricians of his time, and the experience of Cicero, hath made them in their works of rhetorics exceed themselves. Again, the excellency of examples of eloquence in the orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, added to the perfection of the precepts of eloqu ence, hath doubled the progression in this art; and therefore the deficiences which I shall note will rather be in some collections, which may as handmaids attend the art, than in the rules or use of the art itself. 2 Notwithstanding, to stir the earth a little about the roots of this science, as we have done of the rest; the duty and office of rhetoric is to apply reason to imagination for the better moving of the will. For we see reason is disturbed in the administration thereof by three means; by illaqueation2 or sophism, which pertains to logic; by imagination or impression, which pertains to rhetoric; and by passion or affection, which pertains to morality. And as in negotiation with others, men are wrought by cunning, by importunity, and by vehemency; so in this negotiation within ourselves, men are undermined by inconsequences, solicited and importuned by impressions or observations, and transported by passions. Neither is the nature of man so unfortunately built, as that those powers and arts should have force to disturb reason, and not to establish and advance it. For the end of logic is to teach a form of argument to secure reason, and not to entrap it. The end of morality is to procur e the affections to obey reason, and not to invade it. The end of rhetoric is to fill the imagination to second reason, and not to oppress it: for these abuses of arts come in but ex obliquo3, for caution. 3 And therefore it was great injustice in Plato, though springing out of a just hatred to the rhetoricians of his time, to esteem of rhetoric but as a voluptuary art, resembling it to cookery, that did mar wholesome meats, and help unwholesome by variety of sauces to the pleasure of the taste. For we see that speech is much more conversant in adorning that which is good, than in colouring that which is evil; for there is no man but speaketh more honestly than he can do or think: and it was excellently noted by Thucydides in Cleon, that because he used to hold on the bad side in causes of estate, therefore he was ever inveighing against eloquence and good speech; knowing that no man can speak fair of courses sordid and base. And therefore as Plato said elegantly, That virtue, if she could be seen, would move great love and affection; so seeing that she cannot be showed to the sense by corporal shape, the next degree is to show her to the imagination in lively representation: for to sh ow her to reason only in subtlety of argument was a thing ever derided in Chrysippus4 and many of the Stoics, who thought to thrust virtue upon men by sharp disputations and conclusions, which have no sympathy with the will of man. 4 Again, if the affections in themselves were pliant and obedient to reason, it were true there should be no great use of persuasions and insinuations to the will, more than of naked proposition and proofs; but in regard of the continual mutinies and seditions of the affections, Video meliora, proboque,Deteriora sequor, 5 reason would become captive and servile, if eloquence of persuasions did not practice and win the imagination from the affections part, and contract a confederacy between the reason and imagination against the affections; for the affections themselves carry ever an appetite to good, as reason doth. The difference is, that the affection beholdeth merely the present; reason beholdeth the future and sum of time. And therefore the present filling the imagination more, reason is commonly vanquished; but after that force of eloquence and persuasion hath made things future and remote appear as present, then upon the revolt of the imagination reason prevaileth. 1 The wise-hearted is called discerning, but one whose speech is sweet gains wisdom (Proverbs 16:21).2 The act of catching or entangling in a snare, thus entrapping in an argument.3 indirectly4 Stoic philosopher in Greece, third century BC5 I see and approve the better things but follow the worse (Ovid, Metamorphoses, VII, 20). Concluded on page 2*This text has been taken from the 1605 edition of  The Advancement of Learning, with spelling modernized by editor William Aldis Wright (Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1873). 5 We conclude therefore that rhetoric can be no more charged with the colouring of the worse part, than logic with sophistry, or morality with vice. For we know the doctrines of contraries are the same, though the use be opposite. It appeareth also that logic differeth from rhetoric, not only as the fist from the palm, the one close, the other at large; but much more in this, that logic handleth reason exact and in truth, and rhetoric handleth it as it is planted in popular opinions and manners. And therefore Aristotle doth wisely place rhetoric as between logic on the one side, and moral or civil knowledge on the other, as participating of both: for the proofs and demonstrations of logic are toward all men indifferent and the same; but the proofs and persuasions of rhetoric ought to differ according to the auditors: Orpheus in sylvis, inter delphinas Arion 1 Which application, in perfection of idea, ought to extend so far, that if a man should speak of the same thing to several persons, he should speak to them all respectively and several ways: though this politic part of eloquence in private speech it is easy for the greatest orators to want: whilst, by the observing their well-graced forms of speech, they leese2 the volubility of application: and therefore it shall not be amiss to recommend this to better inquiry, not being curious whether we place it here, or in that part which concerneth policy.   6 Now therefore will I descend to the deficiences, which (as I said) are but attendances: and first, I do not find the wisdom and diligence of Aristotle well pursued, who began to make a collection of the popular signs and colours of good and evil, both simple and comparative, which are as the sophisms of rhetoric (as I touched before). For example:   Sophisma.Quod laudatur, bonum: quod vituperatur, malum.Redargutio.Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces. 3 Malum est, malum est (inquit emptor); sed cum recesserit, tum gloriabitur!4 The defects in the labour of Aristotle are three: one, that there be but a few of many; another, that their elenches5 are not annexed; and the third, that he conceived but a part of the use of them: for their use is not only in probation, but much more in impression. For many forms are equal in signification which are differing in impression; as the difference is great in the piercing of that which is sharp and that which is flat, though the strength of the percussion be the same. For there is no man but will be a little more raised by hearing it said, Your enemies will be glad of this, Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridae, 6 than by hearing it said only, This is evil for you.   7 Secondly, I do resume also that which I mentioned before, touching provision or preparatory store for the furniture of speech and readiness of invention, which appeareth to be of two sorts; the one in resemblance to a shop of pieces unmade up, the other to a shop of things ready made up; both to be applied to that which is frequent and most in request. The former of these I will call antitheta, and the latter formulae.   8 Antitheta are theses argued pro et contra7; wherein men may be more large and laborious: but (in such as are able to do it) to avoid prolixity of entry, I wish the seeds of the several arguments to be cast up into some brief and acute sentences, not to be cited, but to be as skeins or bottoms of thread, to be unwinded at large when they come to be used; supplying authorities and examples by reference. Pro verbis legis.Non est interpretatio sed divinatio, quae recedit a litera:Cum receditur a litera, judex transit in legislatorem.Pro sententia legis.Ex omnibus verbis est eliciendus sensus qui interpretatur singula. 8 9 Formulae are but decent and apt passages or conveyances of speech, which may serve indifferently for differing subjects; as of preface, conclusion, digression, transition, excusation, etc. For as in buildings there is great pleasure and use in the well casting of the staircases, entries, doors, windows, and the like; so in speech, the conveyances and passages are of special ornament and effect. 1 As Orpheus in the woods, as Arion with the dolphins (Virgil, Eclogues, VIII, 56)2 lose3 Sophism: What is praised is good; what is censured, evil.Refutation: He who praises his wares wishes to sell them.4 Its no good, its no good, says the buyer. But after he goes he exults in his bargain.5 refutations6 This the Ithacan desires, and for it the sons of Atreus would pay much (Aeneid, II, 104).7 for and against8 For the letter of the law: It is not interpretation but divination to depart from the letter of the law. If the letter of the law is left behind, the judge becomes the legislator.For the spirit of the law: The meaning of each word depends on the interpretation of the whole statement.